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Ka ili ana o ke okohola 'South Seaman.'
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- Written by: Dietrix Jon Ulukoa Duhaylonsod
Ka ili ana o ke okohola 'South Seaman."
I ka la 7 o maraki iho nei holo aku nei ka moku okohola South Seaman, a i ka la 13 o ia malama, i ka hora 5 kakahiaka, ili aku la ia maluna o ke ahua o ka moku guano, e waiho ana i ka Latitu akau 23□ 40', a i ka Lon. 176□ 16' kom., he 600 paha na mile mai ia nei aku ma ke komohana. Kuhi iho la ke Kapena, ua hala ka moku mahope i ke ahiahi mamua. I kona ku ana i ke ahua, oki aku lakou i ke kia mua, a hina iho la. Hapai ae la na nalu i ka moku maluna o ke akoakoa, a pili paa iho la ia i kahi o ka papau he anana hookahi. Ua hukiia aku la na waapa elima me ke kaula maloko o ke kuanalu, a ku malaila ma ka heleuma. No ka nui loa o na nalu e poi mai ana maluna o ka moku, he ane hiki ole i kanaka ke haalele i ka moku. Ua malamaia na pahu wai elua, eha pahu berena, a me kekahi mau kikila io, me na waki, na palapala moana, a me na mea nana la. A hala na hora elua, e nahaha ana ka moku a piha koke i ke kai. Ua maheleia na kanaka me na mea ai iloko o na waapa, a haalele mai i ka moku, e manao ana e holo i Guama. Aole liuliu o ka holo ana, a hoea mai ka moku Kamehameha IV., e holo ana ilaila, e imi i ke Guano. Ee ae la lakou maluna o Kamehameha IV., a ua pae mai ke Kapena me na luina he 12. Koe aku malaila ka nui o lakou, e malama i ka ukana o ka moku ili, a e kii hou aku ana ke Kamehameha IV. ia lakou. Ua kukalaia ka moku nahaha maanei i na $955. Ua lilo i na ona o Kamehameha.
Ua holo aku nei o Mika Kalaka o Kawaiahao ma Nu Ioka a Bosetona, maluna o ka moku "Yankee" i Kapalakiko, malaila aku ma Panama a hiki i Nu Ioka. I ka la 28 o Maraki iho nei kona holo ana. E manao ana kela, a hala na malama ehiku, e hoi hou mai.
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Synopsis:
This article, from the newspaper Ka Hae Hawaii in 1859, talks about the whaling ship, the South Seaman, which became grounded atop a sandbar near a “guano island”. According to the article, this took place around 600 miles to the west of Hawai‘i. The crew barely escaped on several skiffs, saving what food, instruments, and maps they could, and headed for Guam, or so they thought. Soon after leaving on the skiffs, they were rescued by the ship, the Kamehameha IV, which happened to be in the waters looking for Guano Island.
This article is followed by a shorter unrelated one which states that a Hawaiian was sailing for many months from San Francisco to Panama to New York to Boston. [I have kept this shorter article here for the discussion below].
Context:
Following and overlapping with the era of international whaling, several nations of the world were obsessed with mining the guano-rich islands of the Pacific. In this article, these two capitalist ventures, depleting our Pacific resources for foreign monetary gain, intersect.
The bird guano was especially valued as an ingredient for fertilizer, gunpowder, and other things. According to a National Geographic article, “By 1850, guano cost as much as $76 per pound… about a quarter of the price of actual gold" (Vergano 2014). In 1856, the United States passed the Guano Islands Act which encouraged U.S. citizens to take control of uninhabited islands in the name of guano harvesting and which also legitimized American military intervention to protect such United States’ interests.
The grounding of the South Seaman whaling ship near one of these proclaimed Guano Islands took place soon after this enactment. Note also that up until this time, the United States did not claim to have Pacific possessions. At the time, the Mariana Islands were still united but under the Spanish flag, and the Hawaiian Islands were still an independent nation. By the end of the century, the U.S. would claim not only Guam and Hawai‘i, but the Philippine Islands as well.
Further Discussion:
According to historical records, the South Seaman went aground near the French Frigate Shoals (Than 2011), but the article gives coordinates that seem to be off by several degrees. Regardless, it appears that the location of the grounding was much closer to Honolulu than Haga’ña. Yet, the crew had every intention of sailing across the ocean to find safety on Guam rather than Hawai‘i, which was much closer, perhaps because they were going to follow the western equatorial current.
Note that in both of the articles above, some world-famous place names are mentioned as important sea ports/points. Guam is mentioned along with San Francisco, Panama, New York, and Boston. Our Pacific seafaring ancestors were familiar with traversing the vast ocean since ever since, before western contact. The routes to the Mariana Islands and the Hawaiian Islands were embedded in the knowledge of traditional navigators. But the possibility of such long-distance voyaging for sovereign Chamorus was crushed during the Spanish era, only to resurface later for Chamorus as “crew help” for the colonizers. What amount of traditional Chamoru oceanic knowledge had been lost due to the Spanish intrusion?
Another interesting thing with these articles is the literal and figurative place of the United States at this point in history. Indeed, the United States had not yet materialized as a country from the Atlantic to the Pacific. But American expansionists had already been using the questionable concept of Manifest Destiny to dominate Native American peoples and territories. And even further than that, the U.S. appetite was already looking to consume of the fruits of the Pacific like good ol’ American pie. Less than a century later, the sovereignty of Indigenous Islanders over their lands, skies, and waters would suffer the same fate as that of the Native Americans. Enter into this backdrop the Jones Act.
Back to the topic of guano mining. How often did these guano ships come to the Marianas? If Chamorus were recruited on whaling ships, it seems that they’d be recruited to work on ships in the guano business too. Were any of the Mariana Islands scouted for their guano potential, whether by Spain or another country? Our history shows us that there has been a pattern of diminishing our Pacific resources for the financial gain of foreign governments. What is the guano-mining venture or whaling venture of today, going on in our 21st century? Are there lessons from our guano-mining and whaling past that we should apply to certain current situations?
Bibiography
Than, Ker. “Rare 1823 Wreck Found --- Capt. Linked to ‘Moby Dick,’ Cannibalism.” National Geographic. 11 Feb. 2011. https://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2011/02/110211-two-brothers-whaling- ship-pollard-science-nantucket-noaa. Accessed 5 Feb. 2018.
Vergano, Dan. “Bird Droppings Led to U.S. Possession of Newly Protected Pacific Islands.” National Geographic. 18 Sep. 2014. https://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2014/09/140926-pacific-island-guano-national-monument-history. Accessed 5 Feb. 2018.
A si Yu’us ma’ase once again to my colleagues Keoni Ezell and Kaleo Kaho‘onei for sharing their thoughts on my translation of the articles.
Jose Anderson Punzalan: Master Talåyeru
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- Written by: Bernard Punzalan
This story of my dad’s brother, Jose Anderson Punzalan (b.1925 - d.2001), was extracted from the book “Pasehu yan i Mansainen Kostumbren Chamorro Siha: A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition.” It is the first story I ever came across that included a mention of my great grandfather Leon Quitugua Anderson (b.1869 - d.?). Many people learned our family tradition of making fishing nets. The timing of the article is incredible. Just minutes after I completed working on this I received notice that Joey Leon Punzalan Quenga, one of Uncle Joe's grandson, had passed away. I am proud to share this reprinted story of Uncle Joe and also in memory of his grandson Joey, who also carries the namesake of my great grandfather Leon.
The love of the outdoors, fishing, hunting and farming has always played a major role in the life of Jose Anderson Punzalan. Inquisitive and curious, ten-year old Jose, would spend hours watching his grandfather Leon Quitugua Anderson, make and repair fishing talåya (fishing throw nets). A talåyeru (fisherman) by trade, Tun Leon passed his knowledge on to Jose and he recalls that Tun Leon was known for his skill as a net maker and would sell 1/4" net for about $33.00. Jose fondly remembers fishing with his grandfather who taught his grandson how to repair and make nets, as well as, how to fish. Jose also learned to weave the guagua' (fish basket) for transporting of fish caught from the shore to home.
The talåya Jose made utilized nylon and cotton threads with the use of tools made from bamboo and aluminum needles, which he crafted himself. He also made his own plomu (lead sinkers) used to weigh down the nets he made. In addition to the traditional talåya, Jose also made different traps to catch rats, cats and dogs.
Also known as, "Panzy," Jose was a hardworking family man who enjoyed fishing, hunting and farming, common forms of supplementing a family's income at the time. So he became skilled at hunting and fishing. Having a large family, that included his wife, Sylvia and nine children, Jose saw to it that his family was well cared for. There was always an abundance of fish, fresh meat, vegetables and produce at the Punzalan home. Of his children, the two oldest boys, Frank and Edward learned how to repair nets from their father and visitors often found Jose meticulously making nets at his home as he received many requests to repair and make nets. Jose was such a skilled net maker, that, people would ask him to repair their nets or make nets for them.
Net making is a skill of precision. Panzy made various sizes of nets for the different fishes and sizes, with the distance between te knots ranging anywhere from 1/4" to 6". The net's circumference also varied between 20'-40'. 1/4" nets would be used to catch måñåhåk (juvenile rabbit fish) or i'e' (juvenile skipjack). Larger nets with knots ranging up to 6" cast from the edge of the reef were used to catch reef fishes such as la'ggua (parrot fish), tåtåga (unicorn fish), and guili (rudder fish). Jose's favorite fishing spots were at the beaches in Tamuning, Tumon, and as far north as Tarague Beach.
Jose made such an impression on a boy named Simon Camacho, Jr., that, twelve year-old Simon would ask his father to drop them off at the Punzalan residence just to watch him make the nets. Jose taught Simon, who later became his godson, how to repair and make talåya. In keeping in mind with this tradition, Simon has passed along the knowledge he obtained by training others to make talåya under the KÅHA Folk Arts Apprenticeship Program.
Throughout the years, Jose conducted demonstrations at various schools and at Duty Free Shoppers (DFS) on how to make a fishnet and the proper way to cast the net. Due to his failing health, he no longer fishes or makes talåya, however, numerous local fishermen still use nets made by Jose and one of his sons often uses nets made by his father to fish in Alaska where he resides.
Source:
Pasehu yan i Mansainen Kostumbren Chamorro Siha (A Journey with the Masters of Chamorro Tradition). 2000. Guam Council on the Arts and Humanities Agency.
The Essence of the Moon in Our Culture
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- Written by: Bernard Punzalan
This is an essay I initially wrote on FaceBook sometime back in 2011 and just realized I didn't archive here.
Click here to read the essay "The Essence of the Moon in Our Culture."
MOKU POINO
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- Written by: Dietrix Jon Ulukoa Duhaylonsod
KA NONANONA. Buke 2, Pepa 12, Aoao 57. Novemaba 8, 1842.
MOKU POINO
I ka 25 o Ok. iho nei, ku ka moku okohola, o Geoki kona inoa, he moku Amerika, ma Waialua; no kona pilikia loa kona ku ana malaila. Eia ke ano o kona pilikia, i ka la 13, o Aperila holo mai na moku nei mai Guama mai, e imi kohola ana ma ka moana; he hapa ka ai maka maluna iho, a he nui na kanaka. Holo no a i ka malama o Augake loohia ua moku la i ka mai, he mai moku, he lolo, a make koke kekahi luina i ka la 11 o Sep. a mahope iho pau loa lakou i ka mai, a make loa ke Kapena, o Lake kona inoa, a me na luina eha, a ku ka moku ma Waialua make ka malama moku, a ua kanuia mauka. No ka hapa loa o ka ai maka keia poino ana. Ua lilo ua moku la i ke Kapena hou, a ua laweia mai i Honolulu nei. Ua pau ka nui o na luina i ke ola; elua wale no koe. He nui ko laua mai.
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Synopsis:
This is the earliest dated article I’ve found thus far in the Hawaiian language newspapers which mentions Guahan. Guam, in the Hawaiian language, is written here as Guama. The above article comes from the newspaper Ka Nonanona, dated November 1842. This is a first-hand account of an American whaling ship named Geoki (or George) that left Guam on April 13, 1842. An illness overcame the crew around August after the ship had been hunting whales for several months. By September, people were dying. On October 25, the ship anchored at Waialua on the North Shore of O’ahu, and the dead were buried upland. Since the Captain died, a new captain had to take over, and in the end, only 2 crewmembers survived. It is explained that the raw food on board is what made everyone sick.
Context:
After discussing this with my colleagues Keoni Ezell and Kaleo Kaho‘onei, Kumu Keoni pointed out something important that hadn’t crossed my mind. Food on board ships would be preserved in either salt or vinegar. For reasons unspecified in the article, a good portion of the food on this ship remained raw, and that led to the calamity.
Further Inquiry:
What amount of whaling ships came to the Marianas from America? What about whaling ships in the Marianas from other countries? Did the interaction of these whaling ships in the Marianas differ according to their country of origin? And what exactly did these ships bring to the local economy? Are there specific ways that the whaling industry left a legacy on the traditional Chamoru lifestyle?
Our Chamoru ancestors were very much tuned in to the natural environment, and this included both land and sea. There is no doubt that they were well aware of whales despite the meager mention of it in the earliest written records. How did whales figure into the Chamoru culture and beliefs about the natural world? What about the introduced concept of killing animals (whales) for money? And indeed, it was an introduced capitalist concept to hunt whales for other people. How did this imprint upon the Chamoru world view, both within the Marianas and outside the archipelago?
And regarding the native Chamorus, what amount ended up on these ships? Was it the norm? Was it the exception? To what extent did these Chamorus have agency in a society that was traditionally very family oriented and communal? Was approval from the village manamko or the immediate family needed? Was a blessing from the Catholic priest sought? To what extent did the Spanish governor or other Spanish officials exercise authority to “call all the shots” during this time period?
Finally, in what ways did the whaling era help to leave a Chamoru impact in other lands? We hear of Chamorus in the 1800s living in Hawai‘i, in England (recalling the Manibusan story in England), and elsewhere. Uncle Bernard also mentions the Custino brothers who were whalers living in Hawaii and returned back to Guam; and the Paris family name of Hawai‘i which came from the Perez family name in Guam. What amount of these resettled Chamorus were the direct result of whalers settling elsewhere? Could there be other sources that help clearly document the mobility of 18th century/19th century Chamorus across the Pacific and around the world?
All of these stories and more tie back to our family roots and our connections as native people of the Mariana Islands.
(Hawaiian Translation Project)
Dietrix Jon Ulukoa Duhaylonsod
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- Written by: admin
Dietrix Jon Ulukoa Duhaylonsod is from Honokai Hale, O‘ahu, Hawai‘i. He comes from a close-knit family of 7 children; his mother Frances “Tita” Villafuerte is from Mākaha on O‘ahu’s Wai‘anae Coast, and his father Frederick Duhaylonsod is from Kahuku on O‘ahu’s North Shore. His CHamoru roots are from his mother Frances, who is the granddaughter of Soledad Leon Guerrero Balajadia and Juan Mesa Manibusan, manggåfan Bitut. Frances was also affectionately claimed a “reared daughter” by the late Tan Maria Manibusan Cepeda of Sinajana. And finally, he has one son, Ezra Koakūanoanoho‘omaluhia Halu‘uginapu Whalen living in Washington state.
Although he was born and raised in Hawai‘i, he moved to Guam in 1998 to learn his Chamoru heritage. It was during those years that he was warmly taken by the hand, sat at the table, and profoundly taught his Chamoru roots by his manamko’ and by his many cousins. He was welcomed and taught Fino’ Haya by Siñot Peter Onedera. And he was welcomed by Frank Rabon to learn as a member of Taotao Tano’, and later, welcomed by Leonard Iriarte to learn as a member of Guma’ Palu Li’e’, now called I Fanlalai’an.
In 2003, he moved back to Hawai‘i where he went back to school. He graduated with a Bachelor’s Degree in Anthropology, a Bachelor’s Degree in Ethnic Studies, and a Certificate in Hawaiian Language at the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa. He is currently in the Master’s Degree program at the University of Hawai‘i’s Center for Pacific Island Studies, but has put that on hold due to his full time occupation as the Senior Archaeologist and Ethnographer at the Keala Pono Archaeological Consulting firm. Regarding the field of CHamoru archaeology, he has been mentored and taught by Dr. Mike Carson and Dr. Jim Bayman. Outside of work his hands are full as the Kumu of Hālau Kiawekūpono O Ka Ua, through which he has dedicated his life to cultural preservation and the facilitation of cross-cultural appreciation. Beyond that, his commitment to social justice and Indigenous rights has sent him to the United Nations and around the world many times.
It is a blessing and honor to have Dietrix join the Chamorro Roots Genealogy Project as a collaborator kicking off the Hawaiian Translation Project by offering his services to translate some historical articles published and written in the native Hawaiian language that are tied to the history of the Mariana Islands and CHamoru people.
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